Auto-generated recap of a concluded election. Figures are the certified result. This article can be edited; edits are preserved and not overwritten by regeneration.

At a glance

Overview

The 1974 Supreme Soviet election returned the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to all 526 seats in the chamber, exactly as in the prior cycle. With a majority threshold of 264, the CPSU's 526 seats give it a supermajority of 262 seats above the line — a chamber with no opposition representation at all. The result is a formality of a one-party system: no seat changed hands, no party gained or lost ground, and the seat-composition bar is a single unbroken red block.

The Chamber

The seat balance chart shows one bar: CPSU 526, net 0. There are no other parties listed in the chamber. The government summary confirms the CPSU leads with 526 seats and holds a majority, but the more precise reading is that it holds every seat. The majority threshold of 264 is less than half the CPSU's total — the party could lose 262 seats and still command the chamber. The seat-change bar is flat at zero for the CPSU, and no other party appears, meaning the chamber's composition is identical to the previous Supreme Soviet. The 14 constituencies each report "CPSU plurality" with "no change," and the delegation strings — "CPSU 80" for CEN, "CPSU 37" for NWR, "CPSU 17" for NOR, and so on — show the CPSU winning 100% of seats in every unit. This is not a coalition situation or a dominant bloc among rivals; it is a single-party chamber with no opposition seats to count.

What Moved

Nothing moved. The seat-change data lists only the CPSU with a net of zero, and the swings array is empty — no constituency recorded a shift in party control or even a change in seat distribution. Every one of the 14 units carries the delta text "no change." The largest delegations — CEN with 80 seats, VOL with 60, URA with 55, CAS with 50 — all returned CPSU slates in full, as did the smallest. The absence of any swing data is itself the story: the election produced no measurable shift because the system offers no alternative. The net-seat-change bar is a single zero line for the CPSU, and the full constituency table shows identical "CPSU plurality" outcomes across all 14 units, with margin values that simply equal each unit's total seat count — meaning the CPSU's margin in every constituency is 100% of that constituency's seats.

Seats to Watch

The "closest" constituencies are not close in any competitive sense; they are simply the smallest delegations, where the CPSU's absolute seat margin is smallest because there are fewer seats to win. MOL, with 9 seats, tops the list at a margin of 9 — the CPSU won all 9 seats, leaving zero for anyone else. NOR follows with 17 seats and a margin of 17, then FEA with 18, ESB with 21, and CBE and KAZ tied at 30 seats each with margins of 30. In every case, the margin equals the total seats, so the "closeness" is an artifact of delegation size, not electoral competition. The chart of closest constituencies would show six red bars of varying heights — 9, 17, 18, 21, 30, 30 — but each bar represents a clean sweep. There is no knife-edge race, no late flip, no crossover vote to narrate. The seats to watch are notable only because they are the smallest, and even there the CPSU's hold is total. The election's defining feature is the absence of any seat that was actually contested.

Results by constituency